Relativisation in Likpakpaln (Ghana): New typological perspectives on the Mabia (Gur) languages

Abstract

This paper provides the first systematic account of relativisation in Likpakpaln, an understudied Mabia (Gur) language of Ghana. Likpakpaln features two broad types of relative clauses: restrictive and non-restrictive ones. Both types of relative clauses are finite and marked by a relative pronoun as well as a clausal determiner. The former are always headed by an indefinite noun. The latter are invariably headed by a definite head noun, are additionally marked by a prosodic break, and are usually under focus. The relative pronoun is a composite form comprised of a noun class agreement marker and an invariant relative marker. A number of features align Likpakpaln with other Mabia languages of the region. For one, the relative clause terminates in an obligatory definite determiner. Secondly, nouns marked for definiteness are excluded from serving as head nouns in restrictive relative clauses. Features that distinguish Likpakpaln from related Mabia languages are the use of an agreeing composite relative pronoun, the suprasegmental realisation of the relative marker, as well as the absence of pronoun resumption in subject relative clauses. This analysis situates Likpakpaln within its genealogical and areal context while providing new typological perspectives on the Mabia languages as a whole.