File Download
  Links for fulltext
     (May Require Subscription)

Article: The People's Republic of China at 50: National political reform

TitleThe People's Republic of China at 50: National political reform
Authors
KeywordsAsian studies
Issue Date1999
PublisherCambridge University Press. The Journal's web site is located at http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=CQY
Citation
China Quarterly, 1999 n. 159, p. 580-594 How to Cite?
AbstractAfter 50 years of revolutionary transformation and uneven consolidation, and a generation of economic re-structuring, the political institutions of the People's Republic of China remain essentially Leninist. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) continues to enjoy monopoly power, and independent media, autonomous trade unions and other manifestations of civil society are almost wholly absent. Yet the environment within which the Party now operates has changed fundamentally. Marxist-Leninist parties in power around the world have collapsed and to stay in power the CCP has abandoned central planning for market economics. Living standards and literacy rates have improved dramatically and ordinary people now have more control over their own lives. Some analysts have suggested that as a result of these changes, the regime is facing imminent institutional collapse. Others have suggested that the regime cannot but democratize. This article argues that the regime is more resilient than either of these interpretations allows. In spite of the formal trappings of Leninism and its neo-authoritarian political reform programme, the CCP has adapted to the new situation. The reforms, which date from the early 1980s, have considerably strengthened the country's political institutions. Although there is disagreement on the content and pace of reform, China's elite with few exceptions appears to agree that further political reform is necessary. Yet the Party is caught in a dilemma: if it moves too slowly, it could fail because it cannot meet the demands of the people; if it moves too quickly, it could fail because it further undermines its already weakened position.
Persistent Identifierhttp://hdl.handle.net/10722/43482
ISSN
2004 Impact Factor: 1.156
References

 

DC FieldValueLanguage
dc.contributor.authorBurns, JPen_HK
dc.date.accessioned2007-03-23T04:46:39Z-
dc.date.available2007-03-23T04:46:39Z-
dc.date.issued1999en_HK
dc.identifier.citationChina Quarterly, 1999 n. 159, p. 580-594en_HK
dc.identifier.issn0009-4439en_HK
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10722/43482-
dc.description.abstractAfter 50 years of revolutionary transformation and uneven consolidation, and a generation of economic re-structuring, the political institutions of the People's Republic of China remain essentially Leninist. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) continues to enjoy monopoly power, and independent media, autonomous trade unions and other manifestations of civil society are almost wholly absent. Yet the environment within which the Party now operates has changed fundamentally. Marxist-Leninist parties in power around the world have collapsed and to stay in power the CCP has abandoned central planning for market economics. Living standards and literacy rates have improved dramatically and ordinary people now have more control over their own lives. Some analysts have suggested that as a result of these changes, the regime is facing imminent institutional collapse. Others have suggested that the regime cannot but democratize. This article argues that the regime is more resilient than either of these interpretations allows. In spite of the formal trappings of Leninism and its neo-authoritarian political reform programme, the CCP has adapted to the new situation. The reforms, which date from the early 1980s, have considerably strengthened the country's political institutions. Although there is disagreement on the content and pace of reform, China's elite with few exceptions appears to agree that further political reform is necessary. Yet the Party is caught in a dilemma: if it moves too slowly, it could fail because it cannot meet the demands of the people; if it moves too quickly, it could fail because it further undermines its already weakened position.en_HK
dc.format.extent1726130 bytes-
dc.format.extent2095 bytes-
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf-
dc.format.mimetypetext/plain-
dc.languageengen_HK
dc.publisherCambridge University Press. The Journal's web site is located at http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=CQYen_HK
dc.relation.ispartofChina Quarterlyen_HK
dc.rightsCreative Commons: Attribution 3.0 Hong Kong License-
dc.rightsThe China Quarterly. Copyright © Cambridge University Press.en_HK
dc.subjectAsian studiesen_HK
dc.titleThe People's Republic of China at 50: National political reformen_HK
dc.typeArticleen_HK
dc.identifier.openurlhttp://library.hku.hk:4550/resserv?sid=HKU:IR&issn=0305-7410&volume=159&spage=580&epage=594&date=1999&atitle=The+People%27s+Republic+of+China+at+50:+National+Political+Reformen_HK
dc.identifier.emailBurns, JP: jpburns@hku.hken_HK
dc.identifier.authorityBurns, JP=rp00581en_HK
dc.description.naturepublished_or_final_versionen_HK
dc.identifier.scopuseid_2-s2.0-0032715452en_HK
dc.identifier.hkuros63252-
dc.relation.referenceshttp://www.scopus.com/mlt/select.url?eid=2-s2.0-0032715452&selection=ref&src=s&origin=recordpageen_HK
dc.identifier.issue159en_HK
dc.identifier.spage580en_HK
dc.identifier.epage594en_HK
dc.identifier.scopusauthoridBurns, JP=7403680728en_HK

Export via OAI-PMH Interface in XML Formats


OR


Export to Other Non-XML Formats