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Article: Kinande vowel harmony: Domains, grounded conditions and one-sided alignment

TitleKinande vowel harmony: Domains, grounded conditions and one-sided alignment
Authors
Issue Date2002
PublisherCambridge University Press. The Journal's web site is located at http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=PHO
Citation
Phonology, 2002, v. 19 n. 2, p. 139-188 How to Cite?
AbstractThe canonical image of vowel harmony is of a particular feature distributed throughout a word, leading to symmetric constraints like AGREE or SPREAD. Examination of the distribution of tongue-root advancement in Kinande demonstrates that harmonic feature distribution is asymmetric. The data argue that a formal (yet asymmetric) constraint (like ALIGN) is exactly half right: such a constraint correctly characterises the left edge of the harmonic domain. By contrast, the right edge is necessarily characterised by phonetically grounded restrictions on feature co-occurrence. Of further interest is the role of morphological domains: the interaction between domain restrictions on specific constraints and unrestricted constraints suggests a formal means of characterising the overwhelming similarity between constraint hierarchies at different morphological levels while at the same time characterising the distinctions between levels. © 2002 Cambridge University Press.
Persistent Identifierhttp://hdl.handle.net/10722/183405
ISSN
2015 Impact Factor: 0.769
2015 SCImago Journal Rankings: 0.935
References

 

DC FieldValueLanguage
dc.contributor.authorArchangeli, Den_US
dc.contributor.authorPulleyblank, Den_US
dc.date.accessioned2013-05-27T07:12:53Z-
dc.date.available2013-05-27T07:12:53Z-
dc.date.issued2002en_US
dc.identifier.citationPhonology, 2002, v. 19 n. 2, p. 139-188en_US
dc.identifier.issn0952-6757en_US
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10722/183405-
dc.description.abstractThe canonical image of vowel harmony is of a particular feature distributed throughout a word, leading to symmetric constraints like AGREE or SPREAD. Examination of the distribution of tongue-root advancement in Kinande demonstrates that harmonic feature distribution is asymmetric. The data argue that a formal (yet asymmetric) constraint (like ALIGN) is exactly half right: such a constraint correctly characterises the left edge of the harmonic domain. By contrast, the right edge is necessarily characterised by phonetically grounded restrictions on feature co-occurrence. Of further interest is the role of morphological domains: the interaction between domain restrictions on specific constraints and unrestricted constraints suggests a formal means of characterising the overwhelming similarity between constraint hierarchies at different morphological levels while at the same time characterising the distinctions between levels. © 2002 Cambridge University Press.en_US
dc.languageengen_US
dc.publisherCambridge University Press. The Journal's web site is located at http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=PHOen_US
dc.relation.ispartofPhonologyen_US
dc.titleKinande vowel harmony: Domains, grounded conditions and one-sided alignmenten_US
dc.typeArticleen_US
dc.identifier.emailArchangeli, D: darchang@hku.hken_US
dc.identifier.authorityArchangeli, D=rp01748en_US
dc.description.naturelink_to_subscribed_fulltexten_US
dc.identifier.doi10.1017/S095267570200430Xen_US
dc.identifier.scopuseid_2-s2.0-13844282298en_US
dc.relation.referenceshttp://www.scopus.com/mlt/select.url?eid=2-s2.0-13844282298&selection=ref&src=s&origin=recordpageen_US
dc.identifier.volume19en_US
dc.identifier.issue2en_US
dc.identifier.spage139en_US
dc.identifier.epage188en_US
dc.publisher.placeUnited Kingdomen_US
dc.identifier.scopusauthoridArchangeli, D=16426886100en_US
dc.identifier.scopusauthoridPulleyblank, D=24389052700en_US

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