Private television ownership in Bangladesh : a critical qualitative inquiry

Abstract

Private television channels in Bangladesh have become a part of ruling parties’ politics. Without ruling party’s agreement none can get license of private television channels. Whenever a party goes to power it tries to give licenses to its cronies violating rules and regulations. It is an open secret in Bangladesh society. But the beginning of the private televisions in Bangladesh was a promising one. The first three channels--ATN Bangla, Channel-I and ETV-- got licences in a proper way during the first regime of Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh Awami League (AL) (1996-2001). Political ownership of private television was initiated by Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) when it came to power at the end of 2001. The present AL government, after it came to power again in 2008, has been following the same path of political ownership in giving private television licences. The whole licencing process of private television is enveloped by a strong and vivid system of Crony Capitalism. Only the cronies who are very close to the chief of the ruling party or chief of the government are provided with the private television licences. That is the unwritten rule in giving private television licences in present Bangladesh. The private television owners in Bangladesh are businessmen cum politicians and politicians cum businessmen. There is a symbiotic relationship between politics and private television as well as private television owners and other businessmen in Bangladesh. The owners enjoy a status quo for their channels. It brings them very close to ruling party elites. This prompts other businessmen to invest in private televisions with political connections. If a well-funded investor proves her or his unquestionable loyalty to the ruling party or can earn the trust from the ruling party elites then s/he will be given licence. Most of the owners of private television channels belong to the two major political parties of Bangladesh, the two opponents – Bangladesh Awami League (AL) and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The working journalists in private channels try to maintain their professionalism in news reporting. But sometime they have to compromise with the owners’ interests – whether it is political, business or familial. Therefore one sort of tension and potential for conflict exits between the private TV channel owners and the working journalists. The study is a qualitative inquiry applying critical theory in a broad perspective, and the critical political economy of communication and media in a specific theoretical framework. It tries to answer the following questions: who are the owners of private television channels? What are the reasons that lead them to invest in the private televisions? What are the licensing procedures of private TVs? What factors influence the professional freedom of TV journalists? How power relations work between owners and journalists, owners and ruling political elites and other stakeholders. The study finds a vicious circle of executive-legislative-media power nexus to use private televisions for owners’ misdemeanors, power abuse, corruption and malpractices. This is a continuous threat to the professional freedom of television journalists in the country. The television owners and the state-power are ready to fire journalists and curtail their professional freedom if journalists do not honor their instruction of do’s and don’ts when it is needed. If a comprehensive policy for dealing with private television is not formulated, then private television will not help Bangladesh’s media democratization process rather it will be threat to democracy.